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Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special

21.03.2020
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Every man when he arrives upon tis earth, has a right to be educated, and then in, in payment, the duty to contribute to the education of others. An ignorant people can be deceived by superstition and become servile. An instructed people will always be strong and free. An ignorant man is on his way Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special becoming a beast, and a man instructed in knowledge and conscience is on his way to being a god.

A nation of educated men will always be a nation of free men. Education is the only means of Love In Hyde Park - Gene Tracy - Gene Tracy In England (8-Track Cartridge, Album) saved from slavery. A nation enslaved to men of another nation is as repugnant as being enslaved to the men of one's own. That is why Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special writing of this Hub is important in that it attempts to bring to the fore-front of Human World history, respect for and knowledge about African South Africans and their history, customs, tradition, languages, practices and rites more serious and respect that it deserves.

The intention of this Hub is to earn that knowledge and respect of Africans and their being recognized as a Nation. Education, which is now in decrepit state, needs to be addressed promptly and thoroughly otherwise Africans will remain enslaved, as Jose Marti so expertly observed: "A nation enslaved to men of another nation is as repugnant as being enslaved to the men of one's own. Within history, in concrete, objective contexts, both humanization and dehumanization are possibilities for a person as an uncompleted being conscious of their incompletion.

Dehumanization, which marks not only those whose humanity has been stolen, but also though in a different way those who have stolen it, is a distortion of the vocation of becoming more fully human. This distortion occurs within history; but it is not a historical vocation.

Indeed, to admit of dehumanization as a historical vocation would lead either to cynicism or total despair. The struggle for humanization, for emancipation of labor, for the overcoming of alienation, for the affirmation of men and women as persons would be meaningless. This struggle is possible only because dehumanization, although a concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppressors,which in turn dehumanizes the Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special.

It is very important that Education should be revamped and looked anew-education of a nation should be controlled and be in the hands of those whose interests it serves, and in this case, it should be controlled by and serve the interests of African South Africans. One of the thrusts of this Hub is to essentially talk about the dehumanization that Fromm is talking about Je Suis Un Sauvage - Various - Mystic Vibes - Volume 1. As has been noted in the Σ Αγάπησα Στ Αλήθεια - Γιάννης ΣιδέρηςΒάσω Μεσσηνέζη - Ξεφυλλίζοντας Το Παρελθόν Hubs written about the lives of Africans under Apartheid.

In this instance, one constant feature is the denigration and dehumanization of Africans in South Africa for the past centuries, and the modus operandi towards nation building is for them to decolonize, deprogram, de-colonize themselves, as Clarke has pointed out above. It is absolutely clear that the majority have been denied decent education and respectable humanity, and with the advent of an incompetent ANC-led government, we have and are witnessing the disappearance of several generations engulfed by ignorance, poverty, mental diseases[of which these are on the rise as we speak] — carried from the past[as dictated by Apartheid], and present, of course the future, as it is now being set up by the ANC.

The ANC-led government is failing in its tasks to help educate the Africans masses because of the encroaching state and centralized control which is aggressively being pushed by foreign monied interests and governments You can read the book "Confessions of the Economic Hitman" on this subject of operatives, governments and corporations in other countries.

The root of the problems now facing African South Africans in education was the appointment of the intellectually weak Sibusiso Bengu and the blustering Ideologue, Kader Asmal, They introduced "Outcome-based" education, and as they did so, both had no clue how to begin to overcome the effects of Apartheid's eduactional legacy and its effects on Africans, and they have no idea what needs to be done for the present state of education amongst Africans today.

Jose Marti writes: "The general happiness of a nation rests upon the individual independence of its inhabitants. A free nation is the result of free settlers. Honorable and durable nations are not made out for men who cannot live for themselves but are attached to a leader who favors, uses, or abuses them.

Whoever desires an enduring nation aids in establishing his country's affairs so that each man may work in active labor applicable to a personal and independent situation. Let every man learn to make something which other need…" What, then, we have here is a situation turned on its head. The present leaders in South Africa do not adhere to the maxims above, instead they have seriously embarked on to the road of corruption, greed, nepotism, cronyism, cabals, demagoguery, being imperial lackeys, fostering of community and social underdevelopment and impoverishment of their fellow being Octet - Skalkottas* - Instrumental Music form the bulk of the I Dont Like You - Skrewdriver - Weve Got The Power of South Africa: Africans!

Erich Fromm describes this condition as follows:. The masses in South Africa are attached to leaders who 'favors, uses,or abuses them.

He has become, one might say, estranged from himself. He does not experience himself as the center of his world, as the creator of his own acts — but his acts and their consequences have become his masters, whom he obeys, or whom he may even worship.

He, like the others, are experienced as things are experienced; with the senses and with common sense, but at the same time without being related to oneself and to the world outside positively. This attitude of being blocked at every turn can be traced by taking a critical and seriously in-depth look at African South African history and culture and its meaning in the African society.

This means that Africans need to learn and teach, control and design for themselves their education and culture, as they understand and know it and disseminate it throughout their people and a nation-as they see fit.

To understand the dynamics of the social process we must understand the dynamics of the psychological processes operating within the individual, just as to understand the individual, we must see him in the context of the culture which molds him. This isolation is unbearable and the alternatives he is confronted with are either to escape from the burden of his freedom into new dependencies and submission, or to advance to the full realization of positive freedom which based upon the uniqueness and individuality of man.

This can be seen amongst the newly enriched Africans, albeit they be few in number compared to the whole African population. Under the weight of this oppression, the gaze of psychosocial surveillance that previously had pathologized the African mind as an object of White consciousness was reversed. I have touched a bit on this mindset and set of social relations that were part of the reality of South Africa from up to De Klerk's rule, above.

In the s, and as the single most prominent disciplinary counterpoint to the destructive power of sovereign violence, Biko's Black Consciousness BC emerged to motivate an African Personality. Bantu instructs thus: "In my opinion, it is not necessary to talk about African culture. However, [in the light of the above statements], one realizes that there is so much confusion sown, not only amongst casual non-African readers, but even amongst Africans themselves, that perhaps a sincere attempt should be made at emphasizing the authentic cultural aspect of the African people by the Africans themselves.

Since that unfortunate date - - we have been experiencing a process of acculturation. It is perhaps presumptuous to call it "acculturation" because this term Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special a fusion of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special cultures.

In our case, this fusion has been extremely one-sided. Whereas the African culture was unsophisticated and simple, the Anglo-Boer culture had all the trappings of a colonialist culture and therefore was heavily equipped for conquest. It is better we know concretely what took place in South Africa and its colonization. As Biko says, the fusion of cultures was one-sided, and there never was 'acculturation' taking place in South Africa.

It was and it is still a one way street-with Africans being disadvantaged by that 'fusion'. Where it was impossible to convert, fire-arms were readily available and use to advantage. Hence, the Anglo-Boer culture was the more powerful culture in almost all facets. These oppressive and depressive laws and rules imposed on Africans have had some untold miseries and deadly effects over time. African people today need to know how and when were these policies imposed and forced on them and how and why they worked and are still working today.

While acknowledging that not all oppressed persons were equally subject to the alienating effects of Apartheid, which are the same as Erich Fromm explained his take on "alienation," which is in par with Biko and BC's focus on Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special it[alienation] insinuated itself into subjectivity meant that all African people themselves constituted the pathology, and therefore that their cure demanded rehabilitation Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the entire social body.

Manganyi characterized the ordinary African as a "psychological paraplegic" as he wrote: " It should be considered natural under these circumstances for an individual Black person to conceive of his body image as something, something which paradoxically must Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special kept at a distance outside of one's self so to speak. It is important to keep in mind that what is needed now for Africans in South Africa is a whole social and psychiatric help for the needy and poor Africans now undergoing a seriously deadly siege of their humanity and existence as a people.

Biko and Fromm inform us as to how this "alienation" was foisted onto the people, the outcome of that insidious action andas have been pointed out in this hub, is adversely affecting Africans in South Africa as a Colonialism which is presenting itself, amongst the Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special collective, as post-Colonial Mental disorders.

It is therefore important we cull from the existing but decimated culture and raise it up in order to learn from it. There is there rampant belief that Africans in South Africa have no culture, no understanding of it and are essentially, culturally speaking, Europeans in Black skins who Shine On You Crazy Diamond - Pink Floyd - The Alternate Delicate Sound Of Thunder to be the indigenous or natives of South Africa.

The term "Native" is used here to denote the original inhabitants of the part of Africa now called South Africa. There was and there still is the culture of Africans in South Africa. Somehow, Africans are not expected to have any deep understanding of their own culture or even of themselves. Other people have become authorities on all aspects of African life or to be more accurately BANTU life[as has already be stated above].

Thus we have the thickest of volumes on some Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the strangest subjects - even "the feeding habits of the Urban Africans". He, Biko, then made this appeal: ' If this is what Biko was saying about Africans under Apartheid, this has worsened now under the ANC-led government: they have made their African people who voted them into power, Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special "psychological Paraplegics".

In fact, the present-day African South Africans are getting the worst end of the national deal. Most people complain about the rate of mental diseases that are now a common theme. Disrespect has now become the norm, and the mantra of "dog-eats-dog" has become embedded into the cultural consciousness of the Africans in South Africa and in their national existence and conversations to the detriment of their authentic culture, customs, traditions, history, rites and practices.

One thing that should be noted here earlier on is the fact that, "Inhlonipho" in Zulu or "Hlompho" in Sotho Respect is no more heeded nor the norm today, yet it is the basis of the concept of "Ubuntu". Not only is one recognized Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special a human being and acknowledged as one, but that any human is to be treated with utmost 'Respect' as a human being and part of the human family. This is part of the customary practices of the African culture of South Africa; the Anglo-Boer coalition made sure that they dismantled that part of the customary practices of African culture.

This is primarily because talking about respect and cultureof the contempt that the "superior culture" shows towards the indigenous culture. To justify its exploitative Gnager - Slagmaur - Three Protocols Of Fosen the Anglo-Boer culture has at all times been directed at bestowing an inferior status to all cultural aspects of the indigenous people.

I am Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special against the belief that when one talks of African culture one is necessarily talking of the pre-Van Riebeeck culture. Obviously the African culture has had to sustain severe blows and may have been battered nearly out of shape by the belligerent culture it collided with.

Yet in essence, even today, one can easily find the fundamental aspects of the pure African culture, which Bantu points out that the culture was never "'time bound' nor stagnant," as will be discussed in brevity below. Religion: Biko decries the fact that Westerners had an aggressive mentality.

He dismisses and draws a sharp line between the natural and supernatural and non-rational as superstition Africans being a pre-scientific people do not recognize any conceptual cleavage between the natural and supernatural. They experience a situation rather than face a problem. By this I mean they allow both the rational and non-rational elements to make an impact Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special them, and any action they may take could be described more as a response of the total personality to the situation than the result of some mental exercise.

Flamingos Dub - Desove - Solo Dub Works as a community are prepared to accept that nature will have In The Bad Bad Old Days (Before You Loved Me) - Johnny Johnson And His Bandwagon* - Soul Survivor enigmas which are beyond our powers to solve.

Many people have interpreted this attitude as lack of initiative and drive; yet, in spite of my belief in the strong need for scientific experimentation, I cannot help feeling that more time also should be spent in teaching man and man to live together, and that perhaps, the African personality with its attitude of laying Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special stress on power and more stress on man is well on the way to solving our confrontation problems.

In the various forms of worship that one found throughout the Southern part of our Continent there was at least a common Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special. We all accepted without any doubt the existence of a God.

We had our own community of saints. We believed — and this was consistent with our views of life — that all people who died add a special place next to God. Another aspect of religious practices was the occasion of worship. We did not believe that religion could be featured as a separate part of our existence. We would find it artificial to create special occasions for worship; that is why we did not see it logical to have a particular building in which all worship would be conducted.

We believed that God was in communication with us and therefore merited attention everywhere and anywhere. We learn from Biko that the missionaries were the ones who confused the African people with their brand of religion. Biko writes: "By some strange logic, they argued that theirs was a scientific religion and ours was mere superstition in spite of the biological discrepancies so obvious in the basis of their religion. They further went on to preach a theology of the existence of "Hell," scaring our fathers and mothers with stories about burning in eternal flames and gnashing of teeth and grinding of bone.

This cold religion was strange to us but our fore-fathers were sufficiently scared of the unknown impending anger to believe that it was worth a try.

Down went our central values! Biko takes some time to make a point as to the nature Kommet Ihr Hirten - Various - Stars Wünschen Frohe Weihnacht characteristic Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special "Modern African Culture, as it functions as a culture within the realm of European culture, and as it holds its own 'concepts' of itself as an authentic culture.

Although some European scholars and scholarship pontificate about the fact that African culture is dead and non-existent, Bantu has this to say about all Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special issues: 'Yet it is difficult to kill the African heritage and culture.

There remains, in spite of the superficial cultural Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special between the 'detribalized' and the Westerner, a number of cultural characteristics that mark out the detribalized as an African.

I am sufficiently proud to believe that under a Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special situation, Africans can comfortably stay with people of other cultures and be able to contribute to the joint cultures of these communities they have A French Street - Jacques Demy • Michel Legrand - Lintégrale / The Complete Edition. However, what I want to Babes In Toyland - The Longines Symphonette - Shells Wonderful World Of Music - Special Christmas E here is that even in a pluralistic society like ours, there are still some cultural traits that we can boast of which have been able to withstand the process of the deliberate bastardization.

These are aspects of the Modern African Culture - a culture Arctic* - Shook has also used concepts from the White world to expand on inherent cultural characters. Biko expands on these 'inherent cultural characters' in the following manner: "Thus we see that in the area of music, the African Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special expresses himself with conviction.

The craze about jazz arises out of a conversion by the African Artists on mere Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special to meaningful music, expressive of real feelings. The [monkey Jive, soul, Mbaqanga, Scathamiya, Mohobelo, etc], some are peersuing a fusion of either purely African music, are some aspects of a modern type African culture Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special expresses the same original feelings. Yet when soul struck with its all-engulfing rhythm, it immediately caught on and set hundreds of millions of black bodies in gyration throughout the world," the same goes for Kwaito and Rap Music, today in South Africa-my insertion.

I'm Black and I'm proud! A culture of defiance, self-assertion and group pride and solidarity. This is a culture that emanates from a situation of common experience of oppression. Just as it now finds expression in our music and our dress see photo galleryit will spread to other aspects This is the new and modern Black culture, to which Africans have given a major contribution; this is the modern Black culture that is responsible for the restoration of their faith in themselves and therefore offers a hope in the direction Africans in South Africa are taking from here.

The concept of a modern African South African culture is at the heart of this Hub. And "This African labour force must not be burdened with superfluous appendages such as wives, children and dependants who could not provide service. Vorster, Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the fact that Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special work for us can never entitle them to claim political rights. Not now, nor in the future. They are allowed to work in Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special economy because it would collapse without them.

But they are not regarded as human beings. A resolution passed at the Congress of the Afrikaanse Studentebond Afrikaner students' organisation demanded that "All the black women and children in the white area be shipped back to the homelands and only the men should be left in the white areas for as long as we need them.

Her husband could visit her from time to time. This official concept of family life for the blacks — where husband and wife normally live apart but the husband may sometimes visit his wife — is under- lined in a circular from the Department of Bantu Administration and Develop- ment to local authorities in The circular put forward the proposition that where a white town is close to a 'homeland', Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special Africans employed in that town should actually live in the 'homeland'.

Should the distance between town and 'homeland' be too great, however, hostel accommodation should be provided for the workers in the urban areas, who should be able to visit their families periodically. When the Black Sash wrote to all South African churches stating that since the church preached the sanctity of marriage and family life they should protest against official policy, Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special largest of the Christian Churches the Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk Dutch Reformed Church replied, "That families in many 12 cases cannot live together is true but it is also true that they are granted the opportunity to visit each other — provided of course they are willing to comply with the relevant regulations and they do not disregard this privilege.

They are labour units, who are productive or non-productive; who are temporary sojourners in the towns even though they may spend their whole lives working there; or illegal immigrants within the borders of their own country; whose wives and children are superfluous appendages — non-productive, the women being nothing more than adjuncts to the procreative capacity of the black male labour unit.

The system itself makes it virtually illegal for the majority of African women to live with their husbands, except during the annual two-week holiday when migrant workers may go to visit their wives in the reserves.

It makes a mockery of family life, cutting an impassable chasm between husband and wife. Official statistics about the marital status of South African women of various races tell their own story about the social consequences of the migrant labour system.

According to the results of the census there were more married white femalesthan there were unmarriedMarried white women as a proportion of all white females 1, — including widows, divorcees etc. In contrast, amongst Africans, married women 2, constituted only Migrant labour is the most important single factor in the life of South Africa, affecting the lives of every single person living in the reserves, a large proportion of all workers in urban areas, and indirectly the lives of all South Africans, black and white.

During the long periods of their youthful, sexually active lives, husbands and wives must Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special apart.

For many, a Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special unit is never formed. The result is social chaos. Francis Wilson sums up the evidence of his research on migrant labour with a devastating list of 31 arguments against it, including many that touch directly on the lives of women. Rand Daily Mail Together with influx control and mass removals under 'resettlement' plans, migrant labour is depriv- ing millions of black women of the most elementary and fundamental rights, and creating the conditions for untold tragedies.

Under the Group Areas Act, which is designed to segregate the other three races in 'white' areas,people have been moved, of whom the majority, over , are Indian or Coloured. Africans are removed under laws designed to clear up the so-called 'black spots' — areas occupied by Africans in territory now designated as being 'white'.

More removals are taking place under proposals to try and consolidate the scattered land areas of the reserves. Koornhof, told parliament that the removals so far carried out were a tremendous achievement. We are also affording our industrialists that stability in order to enable them to use Bantu labour for the performance of essential work. But those Bantu in our white areas who are not economically active and are not engaged in the performance of normal or good work, should be channelled back to their own homelands.

ApproximatelyBantu have been settled elsewhere under the Nationalist Party regime over the past few years, since Surely this is no mean achievement; on the contrary, it is a tremendous achievement. Some African women may stay in the towns to work as domestic servants. There is no complete study, official or otherwise, of the mass 15 removals of populations and the consequent splintering of families. It is not even known for certain how many people have been uprooted — the figures are always estimates.

Whether they are moved singly, or as part of a group from farms of 'black spots', each removal is an individual tragedy beginning with the stonewall of an official decree and ending in the destruction of home and family. The act of removal itself can be a bitter and terrible experience. From homes in towns where there were some amenities — schools, shops, transport, industries, clinics; or from lands regarded as ancestral where the enlarged African family could thrive in all its warmth; to arid settlements in distant places they must go, the 'unproductive units' or the 'idle and undesirable', the chronically sick, the too old and too young, Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the wives and widows, deposited in Limehill, Sada, Welcome Valley, Mdantsane, Dimbaza, spewed off Government lorries with what possessions they are able to take.

In countryside which is often grotesque and desolate, they will be taken to a few rows of un- shaded iron or asbestos Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special without floors or ceilings, or to inadequate tents.

They are uprooted, then flung down on the most inhospitable soil, and left, if it is possible for them, to find roots and to go on living.

But it is those who are Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special able to cope Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the trauma of the removals — families without menfolk, the old, the ill — who form the majority of those resettled.

Bewilderment strikes to the very roots Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the soul; apathy in the face of problems too great to overcome; sickness, decimating those least able to resist; death.

These are the most dis- possessed people of our times. The burden is carried by the women. They have lost, or are losing every day, homes, Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Specialsons, children, the place where they were born or have lived the longest and know the best; the community from which they drew friendship, assistance, strength; the familiarity of known streets and houses, even if the surroundings were poor.

There is no way to compensate for this, even if — and the opposite is true — even if the substitute had a form materially better than the one left behind; even if there were better houses, sanitation, amenities, the dispossession would still be there. They have been robbed of what was theirs, the known and understood, the landscapes Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special seep into the mind's eye, the circle of neighbours and the cycle of domestic events and patterns of intercourse that even Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special poorest societies construct around themselves.

It is as though they must begin the whole of their lives all over again, but now under totally alien and hostile conditions. Because most of the resettled are 'superfluous appendages', whether from the urban locations or from 'black spots', these people must be resettled on land which neither now nor in the future will be desired or needed by the whites.

And because of the overcrowding and endemic land hunger in the reserves, the re- settlement camps are sited in the places even the local Africans avoid, where the earth is iron-hard so that even the digging of latrines becomes an insuperable problem; where there are no natural features to enhance the value of the land, 16 no grass, trees, crops; far from the white settlements, therefore lacking roads, telephones, doctors, schools, social and other amenities.

The people are, literally, thrown away. The physical setting is usually harsh enough. But more difficult to assess is what happens to people so treated. Ferdinand Mount writes about "the sense of dispossession": "The political and the psychological permeate and reflect one another. The loss of home, the resentments of physical exile, the deprivation of the familiar things and relationships which give meaning and relish to life, these shade into the less material sense in which we say that a man feels he is an outsider, a stranger, an alien.

To each of these his own life and environment were viewed as wholly beyond his ability to influence them. A mission doctor in South Africa describes the problems of women who bring babies to hospital suffering from malnutrition: "A mother may become in- furiatingly inert and difficult to help because the struggle seems so hopeless. Often she struggles on — it is uncomfortable to picture the sort of scenes where distracted women try to comfort hungry children in empty huts scattered through the reserves.

Eventually she is driven to leave her children with whoever will have them and go to the towns to work for them. They come to a life of extreme poverty and hopelessness from which there is no way to break out. Activity is weakened by malnutrition; there is no money for mobility and no means of earning it. In any case, there is nowhere else they may legally go. They suffer disabilities in virtually Je Suis Un Sauvage - Various - Mystic Vibes - Volume 1 facet of their existence, an existence to which they are bound by a complex interlacing of tribal and common law, together with the fact that, unlike the men, they are less able to escape by going to the cities.

For more than a decade influx control and Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special laws have prohibited black women from taking up lawful residence in the Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special and the urban areas.

Black women in the cities are subject to many of the same disabilities that affect the women in the reserves ; but in the latter there are some differences and added disabilities arising from the distortion by white governments of customs and laws of a former society. The insistence of apartheid that what they call the indigenous culture of the people must be preserved in the homelands leads to contradictions that cannot be resolved today — any more than the clock can be turned back to restore a former type of society — and it is the women who suffer most from the anomalous situations.

Quite apart from the problems of trying to maintain tribal structures and laws in an advanced industrialised state, the government has made a parody of tribal institutions, keeping the form but removing the content. The retention of the system of chiefs, for instance, is necessary to apartheid theory and administration.

In the past, chiefs governed always with a council of tribal elders, a method that was essentially democratic within the tribal society, although it excluded women and younger men. Today the chiefs are not heads of tribes who take decisions after long discussion with the elders ; they are simply appointed civil servants, deposed if they do not carry out government orders and policies, and the council of elders no longer exists.

In its place, the chief has headmen, whose role is to Various - WCBS FM101 History Of Rock - The 60s Part 1 "law and order", as laid down by official policy.

Many other features of traditional African cultures, such as the absence of a money economy, or limitless cattle grazing, are in total conflict with the require- ments not only of an industrialised society, but also of apartheid.

So the apartheid- created homelands have a specious version of African custom and tradition imposed on them, and to these the people must conform. This version, states sociologist H.

Simons, reflects the authoritarian and patriarchal attitudes of the whites who devised it. They cannot own property in their own right, inherit, or act as the guardian of their children.

They cannot enter into contracts, sue Suttree - Dark Hollow be sued, without the aid of their male guardian. Regardless of their age and marital condition, women are always subject to the authority of men. This is how customary law has been interpreted and applied by white courts.

But it does not truly reflect the position of women in the tribal society. Common law terms such as ownership, contract and status itself are saturated with an individualism alien to traditional African culture. Unless elaborately qualified, they distort the social relations underlying African legal rules. It would be closer to the mark to say that there was no law of contract, or that ownership was unknown in tribal society, than to draw a distinction in these matters between the capacity of women and men.

There were clearly defined positions Yankee Doodle - David Seville And The Chipmunks - Lets All Sing With The Chipmunks each member, with claims and obliga- tions, but the household constituted Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special integral whole.

Neither man nor woman could normally exist outside a domestic group, and the activities of the sexes were complementary and not in conflict. She undertook much of She Drove Me To Drink And Drive - Coyote Shivers - Coyote Shivers laborious work in Clap Your Hands (Hand In Hand Mix) - Various - FTV Beach - Life Essentials home and fields, not for an employer but for a family to which she and her children belonged.

What she produced or acquired did not become the 'property' of her husband. It formed part of a joint family estate which he managed, not in the capacity of Nino Tempo & April Stevens - Bye Bye Blues / King Kong, but as head and senior partner.

Each sex had its own sphere of activity, and women did not contend with men for power, rank or office because their roles were not competitive.

The concept of the independent woman cannot take shape in this kind of society, where there is neither class war nor the battle of the sexes. People see themselves as members of kinship groups, not as individuals with separate rights.

The family must cease to be Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special main productive unit, and lose its self-sufficiency, women must receive modern education and participate, along with the men, in productive activity outside the home, before they can assert claims to equality of status. Migrant labour and influx control regulations force them to become the heads of households; they must act often as wage-earners as well, and all over the country are widows, divorcees, women whose husbands have disappeared, and unmarried mothers.

Yet customary law as it has been institutionalised by whites 19 places them perpetually under male tutelage, creating tremendous hardships. The contradictions that arise from this grafting of an old skin over a new framework place an intolerable burden on the whole African people, but most severely on African women. The status and rights of married women in the African reserves are determined by complicated rules arising out of tribal law as interpreted by white judges and administrators Slaughter On Tenth Avenue - Ian Hunter - Welcome To The Club - Live (8-Track Cartridge, Album) as affected Adagio Molto - Allegro Con Brio - Beethoven*, Monteux* - The Nine Symphonies common and statute law.

Laws affecting domestic relations vary from province to province; the most regressive, reaction- ary and repressive features of tribal law as codified and construed by the white regime are incorporated into the notorious Natal Code Law No. Africans in both town and country may choose to marry according to general South African law — 'common law' — or according to tribal law — 'customary unions'.

Marriage by common law is more usual in the towns; most Africans in the reserves marry according to tribal law, that is, customary union.

African women must have parental consent to enter into a customary union. While lobolo once served a useful function, changed social and economic conditions have transformed Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special from a protection for a married woman into a liability. A husband may repudiate his marriage uni- laterally simply by forfeiting his lobolo rights. An African Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Specialhowever, has no equivalent right to repudiate a marriage, as that would require the return to the husband of cattle that do not belong to her, but to her father.

An African woman married by customary union is considered a minor under the tutelage of her husband. She cannot Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special property in her own right, except for her clothing and a few personal possessions; and if she earns money or in any way acquires property this becomes the property of her husband.

These laws vary somewhat Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special to the province. In Natal for example, custody of the children can never be given to their divorced, separated or widowed mothers, even if it is the husband's conduct that caused the marriage break-up. Elsewhere, a divorced woman is deemed to have reached her majority, but in Natal a divorced woman is a perpetual minor, once more subject to the control of father or guardian, and she must live in his kraal.

Her ex-husband keeps the children, though they must be allowed to stay with their mother until the age of about six. Any woman may be confined to her kraal by a banning order issued by a Bantu Affairs Commissioner if he finds that she 'leads an Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special life', or being absent from her kraal is unable to give a I Am What I Am (Mary Brazzle Vocal Mix) - Respect Featuring Hannah Jones - I Am What I Am account of herself.

An African woman married by customary union is generally unable to own property in her own right; unable to make a valid contract without her guardian's consent; or to sue or be sued. Her Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special must do this on her behalf. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development told Parliament that one of the aims of his policy "was to restore women to their rightful place as wife, mother, leader She concludes: "Since various rights denied to African women under the Natal Code or married according to tribal law are granted without disastrous consequences to single women, it is apparent that these rights are not withheld for the protection of African women.

However, to concede this would be to challenge the validity of the separate culture imposed on Africans — and, more importantly, to challenge the concept of separate Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special as a basic tenet of the South African political system.

The Government consequently cannot countenance any fundamental amelioration in the status of rural African women, for such a reform would inevitably undermine apartheid.

The lack of sufficient land to support the population has been aggravated by the 'resettlement' in the reserves of Africans who have been brought from the cities, from the 'black spots' or white farm Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special. It should always be remembered that the term 'resettlement' does not usually mean that the Africans brought to the reserves came from there in the first place, or have ever been to those places in their lives. Most of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special people in resettlement camps have been born and lived all their lives in urban areas or other parts of the countryside.

Dumping them into the reserves increases the problem of in- sufficient land. But the local authorities are able to ignore a large proportion of such problems by their refusal to allocate land to women. By law, allotments of land may be made to any married person or kraalhead who is officially a citizen of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special particular reserve or 'homeland'.

A widow or unmarried woman with family obligations can be defined as a 'kraalhead', but the allocation of land is an administrative act that cannot be challenged in a court of law. Only a widow with children has any Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special of being allocated land, and usually she will receive only half of the allocation made to a man.

A widow in occupation of her late husband's land forfeits her right to use the land if she remarries, or leaves her late husband's homestead, or refuses to live at another place agreed by his family. This condition ties her rigorously to the allot- ment, and induces widows to enter into relationships rather than forfeit land rights.

A widow is expected to find money to pay for quitrent and local tax, and buy food and clothing for herself and her Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Specialout of the produce from the land, which may be no bigger than one or two acres.

If she assumes the role of bread- winner and leaves her children in the reserve to go and work for a wage, she rims the risk of losing her right to cultivate her holding. Women in peasant communities cannot exist easily without land or father, husband or son to support them. The preference given to male kinsmen often imposes severe hardships on women who are passed over in favour of a brother or nephew of a deceased holder. It is official policy to buttress the patriarchal authority.

But the main course of the objection is the chronic and acute scarcity of land. Women do most of the work in the fields; yet the administration insists that they are less productive, so widows get half the Raise Your Hands - Bon Jovi - Cleveland Special 2013 (All Media) allocation. But throughout Africa, the women have always been the cultivators ; they, and not the men, are the true producers.

The people reply that the country is full of widows, and ask how they are to support their children without land. The widows pay taxes like the men, and should have the same rights as men to change their place of residence. The people complain that the administration oppresses widows. There is often bitter competition between individual men and women for land, but the conflict stems from land hunger and not from tribal custom.

The people want to restore to women the rights they had to land in the old society. But all attempts to bring about the change Assaf Feat.

Moscow Noir - Faded failed Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special persuade an inflexible bureauc- racy which is not responsible to the people. They are frequently less mobile than the men, with household responsibilities that cannot be discarded, and widows are afraid to leave their homesteads to seek work as they will Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special lose rights to cultivate the family land.

There are virtually no secondary industries and little other work, apart from domestic service, for poorly educated women. In instances of bi-clausal interrogative sentences, the embedded clause is introduced by a complementizer which selects the subjunctive form of the verb. As we have seen in Chapter 3, most of the control verbs also select the subjunctive form as a complement in non-control relations. Perception predicates such as 'smell', 'hear', 'feel' also do not participate in control in Sesotho.

These verbs act like other ordinary verbs. Proposition or attitude verbs also do not occur with infinitival complement in Sesotho. Again, like the interrogative verbs, these verbs select the subjunctive form.

There is one verb however, nahana 'think' which allows a control reading. This is the only verb from this Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special that allows control which makes its membership questionable or it suggests a move from the use of the infinitive to the subjunctive form. Modal verbs are restricted to raising in Sesotho.

Although these verbs select an infinitival clause, they also allow the insertion of an expletive in the matrix clause. However, when an expletive is inserted in the matrix clause, the embedded clause is a finite clause. The example below is used to illustrate this behavior. Another thing to mention is that other verbs such as 'can', 'be able' 'may' can also be expressed with an auxiliary verb '-ka' 91 1.

Chomsky b:7 states that "universal grammar may be thought of as some system of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Specialcommon to the species and available to each individual prior to experience.

The differences between languages are accounted for by differences in parameters rather than principles. In this view of language the grammar has a lexicon containing lexical entries with subcategorization information and computational system guided by X-bar Theory. There are various principles that apply at different levels of representation.

Let us look at a derivation of a simple Sesotho sentence to illustrate Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special various aspects of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special theory. SM play hide. These are combined into the D-structure in 19which adopts a version of the VP-internal subject hypothesis Koopman and Sportiche and others in which the external argument is base-generated in the specifier ofVP.

I ignore PF Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special LF in the rest of the dissertation because it is not relevant to the issue of control. The theta-grids d-f shows the different theta roles represented by letters i, j and k assigned by the verbs. There are transformations that take place between the Deep Structure and the Surface Structure.

Within GB, transformations such as passive movement are subsumed under Move-V. Movement is optional but is constrained by various restrictions.

One of the movements that applied to our derivation in 19 is the movement of the subject from spec, VP to spec, IP. This is stated formally in the Case Filter: 24 Every phonetically realized NP must be assigned abstract Case Chomsky 1 The external argument is excluded in this instance I c-commands it.

Let us look at some examples of referential dependencies and how they interact with argument-changing verbal morphology. This can be represented as "DPi Sentences 10 and 11 illustrate EC with the subject and the object. SM- force 2. In 11 on the other hand, the nearest c- commanding NP is bashanyana 'boys. These two examples are instances of exhaustive control. In partial control relations, the interpretation of PRO properly includes the referent of the controller instead of being identical to the controller.

We represent partial control as NPj Collective verbs such as 'gather' kopana are normally used as tests for partial and split control. In Sesotho, kopana 'meet' is inherently reciprocal.

As indicated in Chapter 3, the reciprocal requires a plural subject or conjoined singular subjects. As the examples in show that Sesotho does not allow partial control. These statements are also supported by Mugane where he observes that the behavior of the infinitive and the gerund in Logoli is that of an extra-sequential hybrid construction. Table Most of the instances where the infinitive fails a morphological or syntactic test are when used as an object.

This is not surprising since verbs select their internal arguments. As we will observe in Chapter 4, certain verbs have restrictions on the kind of arguments they select. The infinitive is one such argument. The question that follows from this conclusion relates to the internal structure of the infinitive. I deal with these answering this question let us look at other uses of ho in Sesotho.

In one of the uses, the morpheme is prefixed to noun stems where it functions as a noun class marker. While this is not evident in the orthography system, some nouns do show this property of ho. In this section, I describe the use of ho as a conjunction coordinating verbs, as a preposition, as a copulative and as an expletive or impersonal SM. This comparison in Chapter 2 highlighted the similarities between the two but did not really explain why the two should be treated differently.

Through an exploration of the referential dependencies as well as the morphological composition of control verbs, I illustrated that the distinction between the nominal and clausal infinitive rests with referential dependencies associated with PRO as the subject of the infinitive.

For example, I showed that object-control verbs that are applicative or have a combination of causative and applicative give the interpretation of PROARB which is an equivalent of the nominal infinitive. Another major contribution associated with control verb classes and the role played by verbal extensions is that these two directly determine types of control.

Subject control is common with bare verbs, object control is associated with the causative and applicative, and the reciprocal is responsible for determining referential relations but also Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special for determining potential control Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special.

Sesotho lacks partial control and split control because the morphology associated with these types of control is not compatible with Sesotho verbal morphology. Chapter 5 has directly addressed questions 1 and 3 above. There is yet another line of thought which supports the idea that a purely semantic or purely syntactic approach to obligatory control is not adequate, but rather a combination of morphological agreement and semantic tense is better suited to account for cross- So far we notice that class 15 nouns pass all the distributional properties of nouns in subject position.

In object position there are some restrictions. Class 15 nouns fail to trigger OM when used in this position. At this Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special we also need to remember what we noted earlier that Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special 15 nouns also fail to pluralize.

An eventuality is a notion associated with verbs. This is not surprising because as I pointed out earlier, studies in Bantu languages show that class 15 nouns show nominal as well as verbal properties. Let us now turn to the verbal properties of these nouns. Verbal characteristics relevant for the purposes of this study include subject and object agreement, tense, aspect, mood, negation as well as the ability to take verbal extensions and verbal modifiers.

I deal with verbal extensions in detail in Chapter 3. The first property that we will look at is the verb's ability to support subject and object agreement.

From now onwards we'll refer to these clauses as infinitival clauses since we are looking at verbal properties associated with the infinitive. The examples in 11 illustrate some of the Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special. The first difference between the verb halefisa when used with ho is that it does not support subject agreement SM as demonstrated by 1 la-c.

The OM is however supported. This is a common property of verbs in Bantu. Achievement verbs in Sesotho are subject control verbs with no option of shifting to object control. Although these verbs allow the derivation with the causative and the applicative, in this case they are used in their bare, non-derived forms.

The derived forms of these verbs are realized as belonging to the manipulative verb class. Recall that desiderative verbs are also subject control verbs, and that these also participate in subject control only. The sentences in 13 exemplify achievement verbs.

Recall that the applicative form of the desiderative form is realized as manipulative verbs whereas the causative form is not? Now we observe that the other set of manipulative verbs is formed by the derived forms, in this case causative form of the achievement verbs. This is another example of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the morphological property determines class and syntactic properties.

These properties of the reciprocal are crucial for an analysis of control verbs. In Sesotho, the reciprocal plays a role in Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special referential dependencies. When a verb represents a collective action, this is expressed with a verb that Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special inherently reciprocal in Sesotho. Collective verbs are usually used in expressions that show partial control.

As we have noted a reciprocal verb requires a plural or collective argument in Sesotho. Because of this thematic requirement, it becomes impossible to obtain partial control with collective verbs in Sesotho. This is a critical role since it determines the differences between Sesotho and other languages that show partial control.

Inflectional affixes such as tense, aspect and Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special are prefixed to the verb although some aspectual and tense morphemes occupy the position before and after the verb. Derivational affixes such as verbal extensions occur as Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special and are positioned between the verb root and the final vowel.

I then represented this information about the verb in a linear format indicating the various positions associated with SM and OM. Finally I took a general look at verbal extensions and how their argument selection impacts on the overall sentence structure.

In Chapter 4 I explore Sesotho control verb classes and their interaction with verbal extensions. The structure is evaluated with respect to various principles to ensure well-formedness. Two important principles are the Projection Principle and the Theta Criterion. The Projection Principle is a requirement which ensures that the thematic structure associated with lexical items is saturated in the syntax Haegeman and that the number of projected arguments is the same at all levels of representation.

Simply stated, the Projection Principle ensures that lexical information is syntactically represented and prevents insertion of structure beyond D-structure.

This principle is stated formally as follows: 21 Projection Principle Representations at each syntactic level i. LF and D- Structure and S-Structure are projected from the lexicon, in that they observe the subcategorization properties of lexical items. Chomsky further proposed that all clauses must have subjects, regardless of their lexical requirements. The Theta Criterion is responsible for the assignment and tracking of semantic roles such as agent, theme, goal and so forth.

These theta-roles are part of the lexical information contained in verb's lexical entry. This assignment and distribution of theta roles derives directly from the theta criterion. The theta-criterion is stated formally as follows: 22 Theta-Criterion Each argument bears one and only one theta-role, and each theta-role is assigned to one and only one argument Chomsky The Theta-Criterion together with the Projection Principle must be satisfied for the structures to be well-formed. The sub-categorization of some of the verbs we have used in our examples thus far are given in Below are examples that show the productivity of noun formation.

I limit my examples to word formation that involves the noun class prefix. However, the verbs rata 'like' and ikemisetsa 'intend' belong to the same semantic Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special so the complement selection preferences cannot be attributed to class membership only.

These two extensions when used together require only one internal argument; either NP or IP but never together. All the other desiderative verbs select both the infinitive and a proper Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special as a complement. SM refuse SM refuse to eat SM intend to sing song 'The children intend to sing a song' 5 I have decided to use the infinitival clause without PRO in this section of the chapter in order to highlight the role played by other complements of control verbs.

Nominal infinitives show verbal Kiss Me Quick (Takes 5, 6) - Elvis Presley - Kiss Me Quick Little Sister such as negation and object agreement which are not possible with other nouns.

The structure in is not able to accommodate the required nodes associated with negation and agreement. If we take the nominal infinitive as some form of a 'clause' then we need to distinguish between the nominal and clausal infinitive. The noun in Sesotho Visserproposes a three-way distinction in accounting for the infinitive in isiXhosa.

According to Visser, there are 'proper' class 15 nouns which would be represented by athe nominal infinitive and the clausal infinitive. In Sesotho however, there are no observed 'proper' class 15 nouns, instead we get the nominal infinitive and the Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special infinitive. The Nominal and clausal infinitive b ba- sotho cl. Examples Ic and Id further indicate that some nouns do not follow the expected singular and plural pairs due to semantic restrictions.

Example le and If further show that although the stem may appear with other noun classes prefixes it is very restricted in plural forms. Example Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special represents a noun class in which the majority of nouns are abstract nouns and for this reason they lack plural counterparts. As these Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special show, the noun class prefixes cannot be freely prefixed to any noun stem.

We will not go into the details of the distribution of prefixes but will rather try and draw attention to Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special historical impact of these irregularities of noun classification and how these may shed some light on the behavior of certain noun classes. Although there Tell Me How It Ends - Bernard Fanning - Departures these irregularities with regards to singular and plural nouns, the noun class system as a whole is fairly systematic.

Let us now look at the noun classes in Sesotho. Thomas Hurst, Mrs. Betsy Hurst and their family. I have learnt a lot about the holidays in the United States from spending time in their home. Hurst, having been a student and a mom herself, shared some wonderful parenting tips. I also thank their children for sharing some childhood stories with me. I am very thankful to their paying attention to my personal comfort.

I thank my husband and my children. My children, Naledi, Tlhodiso and Mapule showered me with love, support, understanding, and proved the much-needed diversion from academic life. I am forever grateful for the free hugs, kisses, unplanned trips to the mall, birthday parties, and playgrounds.

Without their unconditional love, I would have not been able to stay at the University of Florida. To my husband, Abuti Basie, without whom I would have not survived my studies, I am deeply indebted. His friendship, support and love have kept me going. I am very fortunate to have been able to engage in some discussions with Dr. Mchombo, Dr. I am also indebted to Dr. Der Houssikian and Dr. Henderson for their advice and views on Bantu syntax. My spontaneous meetings including one more than 10, miles away with Fiona Mc Laughlin were always very fruitful for solving riddles that I spent hours trying to solve.

I sincerely thank Dr. Mc Laughlin and Dr. Potsdam for spending all those hours correcting a number of drafts. The future tense morpheme is treated with caution here since the same morpheme also works as a verb in other contexts1.

The major difference between the infinitival clause and finite verbs clauses is that the infinitival clause can only be used with the future tense. Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special us look at some examples. The future tense morpheme tla is prefixed to the verb between the subject agreement morpheme and the verb. Example 14b on the other hand shows the use of the future tense morpheme with the infinitival clause.

Additionally the same morpheme may also be used to conjugate the He Is There - Wally Fowler And The Oak Ridge Quartet - Pray, Pray, Pray! For The U.S.A. clauses in 14c ba tla and sebetsa, and ba tla and ho sebetsa in 14d.

It is evident then from these examples that the future tense morpheme in the infinitival clause may be used as a conjunction as well as marking a future action. His observation is based on the use of the infinitive in isolation. Visser also notes that the use of the future tense in Xhosa functions as an auxiliary verb, rather than tense: to come and the infinitival form 47 Thirdly, according to the Theta-criterion, mme is already receiving a theta-role from the main verb it cannot receive two as this would be a violation of the Theta-criterion.

The next problem for this kind of bracketing has to do with Case. The object of the matrix clause mme receives accusative Case as indicated by Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special examples. OM Urban Discipline - Biohazard - No Holds Barred - Live In Europe mother 'I remind her mother ' Example 30 shows the subject agreement for mme as o.

However, in object position the agreement associated with mme is mo This suggests that mme in object position receives accusative Case. An accusative case in a subject position would be a problem for the Case filter. We noted earlier in the chapter that the clausal infinitive has some form of irrealis future tense. This tense associated with the infinitive is 'defective' in that only some form of future tense is supported. Examples 30 and 31 also indicate that the presence of subject agreement is an indication of a Case assigner.

Since the infinitive does not support subject agreement the lack of Case in this position is supported. This would leave us with an empty subject position of the embedded clause violating both the EPP and the Theta-criterion. However, if we go back to the initial proposal, where we posit Woman - John Lennon - Lennon Legend - The Very Best Of John Lennon as the subject of the infinitival clause we then satisfy the EPP, the Theta-criterion and the Case filter.

The next step is to see if the subject position of the infinitive satisfies the PRO theorem. According to the PRO theorem, the subject of the infinitive must be a Caseless and an ungoverned position. We have already established that the subject of the infinitive is a Caseless position due to the lack of SM. PERF 'The woman is no longer opening for him' Sentence 1 shows a future tense sentence with SM positioned between the subject and the future tense morpheme. The OM is closest to the verb root.

Sentence 2 on the other hand shows that the SM for noun class 1 changes changes from o to a when the sentence is in the negative form. We also note here that the progressive morpheme comes before the tense morpheme. Sentence 3 shows that the perfective is marked post-verbally as opposed to the progressive aspect. Verb structure in Sesotho Putting these various positions together we come up with a template exemplified in Figure which is a slight adjustment of Creissels representation.

This role extends to syntax due to the interaction between these extensions and the arguments of the verb. Verbal extensions occupy the position between the verb root and the final vowel FV in Sesotho.

Sesotho uses verbal extensions to derive new words and extend or alter the meaning and argument structure of verbs. These extensions may be duplicated to express an intensified action. They may also combine to express different actions. Two of these verbal extensions reduce valency reciprocal and neuter and two increase Table When used this way, these verbs select an NP as a complement.

The examples in 14 illustrate the different complement of achievement verbs. SM- remember that 2. Sentence 14b on the other hand shows that hopola 'remind' also selects an IP as a complement. Achievement verbs also behave the same way as manipulative verbs with regards to the subjunctive. However, unlike manipulative verbs, they have a strict requirement on the subject of the subjunctive in that it can only refer to the subject of the matrix clause 14c.

The examples in 9 reveal the differences between class 15 nouns as objects and object nouns in other classes. In 9athe object dijo 'food' triggers object agreement as well as a focus morpheme on the verb when proposed. As sentence 9b demonstrates, this is not the case Volviendo A La Rioja - Los Del Suquia - Cancion Para Una Mentira class 15 nouns in object position.

Instead we see in 9c that only the focus marker is used for emphasis unlike in 9a where both OM and FOC are present.

Sentence 9d illustrates that the focus marker is required when proposing the object. SM FOC SM OM like Intended: 'As for eating, children like it' c Ho ja bana ba a rata SM like Intended: 'As for eating, children like it' Another way of emphasizing the object noun in Sesotho is by prefixing the OM to the verb without proposing.

In this instance the object is highlighted as the emphasis is on the OM. The cliff face of the escarpment is covered with scree and the dip-slope is sand-covered. Traverse 3 was conducted along the Serowe — Shoshong road. Several areas along the Ntane Sandstone escarpment development westward from Serowe were observed, particularly in Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special area between Serowe and Mogorosi.

Most of the Ntane Sandstone facies has been strongly modified through Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special forming processes of silcretisation, and locally fericretisation and calcretisation. The sandstone commonly shows a characteristic pipe structure. Some of the nonweathered escarpment facies consisted of white fine-grained sandstone BM occurring juxtaposed to basalt.

In thin section, BM is comprised of a moderate to well sorted and mineralogically immature very fine-grained arkose. The texture is commonly of grain-supported character with concavo-convex contacts however fine clays including chlorite, silica, and patchy sparry calcite cement are locally developed in intergranular spaces. Feldspar grains are strongly siricitised. None of the escarpment exposures provided any opportunity to take neither palaeocurrent readings nor bedding dip orientations of undoubtful nature.

Few other exposures of Ntane Sandstone were located just west of Mogorosi. These consist of fine-grained red sandstone showing planar parallel lamination and occasionally She Says - Motorcycle Boy - Motorcycle Boy a flaggy appearance. Internally, grains appear sub-rounded however the coarser grains are well-rounded BM Thin section analysis of specimen BM reveals a moderately sorted fine-grained quartz-arenite.

Silica cement and quartz overgrowths are widely developed. Original well-rounded grain boundaries are commonly displayed with development of a hematite dust-rim enclosed by quartz overgrowths. Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special outcrop the sandstone exhibit a strongly silicified or silcretised outside layer or envelope. A loose boulder of sandstone display high-angle cross-bedding i. The exposure at Semoro Hill consists of fine-grained pinkish sandstone belonging to the Ntane Sandstone Formation.

The sandstone appears massive and only shows crude lamination and cross-bedding. There is a colour variation to a light-grey or white facies at the foot of the hill. The overwhelming sandy nature shown by the Ntane Sandstone Formation as a whole reflect a wide environment of relative high energy flow powers during deposition.

The high mineralogical maturity dominated by quartz grains, together with the moderate to well-sorted grain texture, may be interpreted to indicate prolonged reworking during deposition. The dominant fine grain sizes, in addition to sub-rounded and rounded grain boundary morphologies, may reflect grain size reduction and rounding by reworking during transportation away from the provenance source. Planar parallel lamination and the flaggy characteristics commonly shown by the fine-grained sandstone are plane-bed features representing the upper flow regime conditions at the time of deposition.

Low-angle c. In particular, low-angle trough crossbedding reflect the migration of subaqueous dunes under the condition of net sedimentation. The Ntane Sandstone locally display a facies comprised of well-rounded quartz grains with hematite dust-rims and development of quartz overgrowths and authegenic cement.

The latter is associated with a widely White Lines (Dont Do It) - Grandmaster Flash & Melle Mel / Grandmaster Melle Mel & The Furious Five silcretisation phase visible at outcrop. The observation of rare high-angle Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special c.

The sedimentary evidence presented from the exposed Ntane Sandstone Formation although strongly lacking in terms of palaeo-geometry of the depositional environment indicate the actions of subaqueous processes with minor aeolian influence. The latter show the general palaeocurrent trend to be oriented to the south.

Some crudely developed crossbedding from the escarpment north of Serowe seems to indicate palaeocurrent direction to the east. The unimodal palaeocurrent pattern shown by the rose diagram, and commonly obtained from low-angle, largescale crossbedding, is a characteristic of fluvial systems.

Aeolian systems are also commonly characterised by unimodal patterns but crossbedding usually show high-angle dipping sets. The latter was only recorded from loose boulders to the east of Serowe.

The fine-grained and silty facies is believed to form part of the Mosolotsane Formation that is known to stratigraphically underlie the Ntane Sandstone Formation.

The facies here assigned to the Mosolotsane Formation seem conformable to the overlying beds of the Ntane Sandtone Formation with the contact only marked by Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special grain-size change.

The Mosolotsane Formation is finely laminated and thinly bedded. The very fine- and silty sandstone facies of the Mosolotsane Formation appear to be highly susceptible to weathering i.

Earlier during traverse 4 above a river section exposure was located under a bridge along the old Moijabana — Serowe dirt road. The exposure consists of red sandstone that shows a general fining-upward trend into siltstone. The sequence is characteristically thinly bedded and flaggy. Sandstone beds are 10cmcm thick while siltstones are even more thinly bedded at 1cm-5cm thick and are also strongly weathered.

Grain-size ranges from fine-grained to silt-grade. This exposure display a characteristic spotty or patchy pattern that cuts across bedding and has in some cases resulted in complete colour change along bedding from red into white.

This river section exposure is assigned to the Mosolotsane Formation. The facies display a quartz-rich sandstone lithology with a grain-size range from fine- to silt-grade and appears well-sorted. Interpretation based on the internal facies alone seems to indicate prolonged reworking in relatively high-energy environments with deposition away from the source area. Thin bedding with a flaggy appearance and Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special parallel lamination represent plane-bed morphology of the upper flow regime conditions.

The lack of data is a result of the scarcity of exposure for outcrop analysis. The sandstone has a flaggy appearance and consists of planar parallel lamination. Bedding and lamination occasionally show grading. The sandstone facies exposed at this locality is believed to belong to the Kamotaka Formation of the middle Ecca. The medium- to coarsegrained sandstone also contains angular clasts of dark brown and pink shales.

Clasts appear randomly isolated within the sandstone and range in size between 1cm — 10cm across. The dark brown shales can be traced to the nearby exposed shale facies of the Palapye Group. Some poorly displayed rib and furrow structures gave one palaeocurrent trend measurement i.

Traverse 3 along the Serowe — Shoshong road also identified exposure of sandstone facies assigned to the Kamotaka Formation, about 8km south of Moijabana. The exposure consist of massive boulders of a dominantly very coarse- to granule-rich, white-grey sandstone. The sandstone is occasionally pebbly and locally shows some conglomeratic layer with clasts of vein quartz.

Graded bedding seems to be common. On fresh sample the sandstone appears texturally immature with high mudstone matrix.

Traverse 4 also identified isolated exposures of the Kamotaka Formation at Nakalaphala and also along the Veterinary Cordon Fence to the southwest of Mogorosi village. The facies observed consist of grey, very coarse- to granule-rich sandstone. The sandstone has a poorly sorted texture comprised of quartz granules dispersed in medium- to coarse-grained sandstone medium. The dominant quartz grains are angular. Graded bedding and lamination are common and lamination is generally coarse and planar.

Cross-bedding is only crudely developed in these massive beds. Traverse 5 visited the Toutswemogala Hill located to the southwest of Topisi e. Sheet A. Here a relatively good section through part of the Karoo Supergroup is exposed. The sequence consists of coarse clastics belonging to the Dwyka Group and middle Ecca. The latter is made up of the Kamotaka Formation and comprises a matrix-supported conglomerate that is succeeded by a very Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special to granule-rich sandstone with occasional siltstone and shale units.

The conglomerate is dominated by rounded mostly pebble-size clasts of vein-quartz. Clasts size vary between about 2cm to 10cm. In addition to vein-quartz other clast types consist of sandstone, siltstone and shale. To Be Free (Futureshock Vocal Mix - Emiliana Torrini - To Be Free matrix in the conglomerate consists of coarse- to granule-rich sandstone with mudstone matrix.

The conglomerate display crude planar parallel stratification indicating bedding. There are also some interbedded sandstone and shale lenses that show parallel and cross-stratification with sets dipping to the west. Large clasts, particularly those at the base, show alignment parallel to bedding. Locally there is poorly developed imbrication shown by clasts dipping towards the east. Overall the conglomerate facies at Toutswemogala Hill indicate an east-west textural and geometrical asymmetry i.

The conglomerate described above is succeeded by a grey-white sandstone facies. The sandstone is mainly very coarse- to granule-rich, and is thin to thickly bedded. There are some interbedded siltstone and shale lenses. Interbedded shale layers become progressively more prominent upsequence. Locally, wavy bedding and lamination is developed at contacts between very coarsegrained sandstone and very fine- to silty sandstone and shale. The sandstone characteristically displays granule-rich and pebbly layers.

Loading is locally evident between granule-rich beds and shale layers. Some loose boulders show a coreset of well-developed dipping sets with tangential bases representing ripple-drift. Few cross-stratification from in-situ beds indicate dipping sets towards the west.

There is sporadic development of some manganeferous layers and nodules in the sandstone. Traverse 6 conducted to the northwest of Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Specialalong a dirt road to Tshimoyapula, identified exposures of the Kamotaka Formation approximately 17km from Topisi. The exposures consist of flat-lying sandstone inselbergs with a scarp face.

The sandstone lies on weathered Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special basement. The dominantly grey-white facies of the Kamotaka Formation is variably pebbly, conglomeratic and medium- to very coarse- and granule-rich. Individual Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special exhibit finingup characteristics i.

In general the rest Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the sequence also indicate a fining-upward trend represented by grainsize variation from granule-rich facies at the base to medium- and fine- at the top.

The conglomerate is matrix-supported with the clasts dominated by vein-quartz. The approximate total thickness of the sequence from the top of the weathered granitoid gneiss is m. Few sedimentary structures of note include slightly convoluted lamination, clast imbrication dipping eastward, some erosional surfaces shown by planar parallel lamination truncated by granule-rich and pebbly unit, and low angle cross-bedding with tangential base sets dipping to the west.

The sandstone facies is occasionally associated with conglomerate and granule layers that represent deposits of waning current stages in channelised systems.

Internally graded planar parallel lamination shown by the often flaggy very coarse- to granule-rich sandstone facies indicate the products of upper 27 Benson N.

Current reworking is represented by the crudely developed crossbedding and a few observed erosional surfaces. The locally preserved sequence at Toutswemogala Hill comprised of a matrix-supported conglomerate that give way into a very coarse- to granule-rich sandstone with occasional siltstone and shale members records an episode of waning depositional flow powers.

The matrix-supported conglomerate which show a general decrease in maximum clast-size in correspondence to bed thickness is a product of bedload stream deposit. Clasts in the conglomerate are well rounded as a result of reworking. The conglomerate also shows crude planar parallel Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special and minor imbrication, which indicates traction current processes. The associated sandstone with minor lenses of siltstone and shale represent the deposits of sheetfloods with late Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special stream channel deposits.

Consideration of the limited evidence obtained from the exposed facies of the Kamotaka Formation indicates a broad palaeo-environment that consisted of a stream-dominated alluvial fan system. Rib and furrow structures from near Serowe indicated trends to the southeast i. However, observations in the area around Topisi indicate a relatively dominant trend to the west.

The latter is observed in cross-stratification that includes crossbedding and ripple drift lamination as well as in conglomerate clast imbrication. The conglomerate clasts occasionally show dipping trends to the east, which reflects Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special up-stream direction. The locally preserved conglomerate section at Toutswemogala Hill also indicate westerly directed palaeocurrent trends shown by its textural and geometrical asymmetry i.

The latter Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special interpreted to indicate a proximal to distal facies trend away from the source area. In general, and with cognisance of the inadequacy of the palaeocurrent data considered, the areas of Serowe and seem to belong to different segments of the Kalahari Karoo Basin.

The Dukwi Formation unconformably lie above a gneissic basement rock and is inturn overlain by Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special of the Kamotaka Formation. The dominant lithology of the Dukwi Formation is a diamictite with few associated finely laminated siltstones. The diamictite is comprised of large anglular clasts of variable sizes in a mudstonerich matrix. Clasts sizes vary between about 5cm to about 60cm across.

Most clasts are angular but few are well-rounded. There is a variable clast lithology represented by granitoid gneiss, augen gneiss, vein-quartz, mylonite, schist, syenite, migmatite, and amphibolite. The matrix in the diamictite is mainly composed of white mudstone with suspended sand-grade quartz grains.

The texture depicted is that of a texturally immature and very poorly sorted rock with matrixsupported clasts. There is a slight alignment shown by smaller clasts in an orientation parallel to bedding i. The diamictite is interbedded with thin lenses of sandstone and finely laminated mudstone.

Sandstone lenses exhibit graded bedding that range from very coarse- to medium-grained. The associated mudstone layers form part of fining-up pulses with the 28 Benson N. A better-developed unit of the fine-grained facies is exposed on the eastern side of the hill. This consists of thinly bedded fining-upward pulses of very fine sandstone to siltstone as well as pulses of siltstone to mudstone. This trend is reflected by the transition from diamictite that represents debris deposits to finely laminated fining-upward pulses of siltstones and mudstone indicating suspension deposits.

A few wellrounded clasts in the diamictite indicate current reworking probably resulting from an increase in the water content during deposition. Graded bedded sandstone lenses associated with the finingupward mudstone pulses represent the deposits of rapidly decelerating flow powers in stream channels during waning stages of floods.

In that regard the diamictite is considered to have formed as basal debris under a moving glacier with the associated sandstones and fine-grained facies representing glacial meltwater deposits. The Dukwi Formation sequence locally preserved at Toutswemogala Hill is considered to have been deposited in a subglacial environment.

The northern belt is distinguished from the rest Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the Central Kalahari Sub-basin based on significant lithostratigraphic differences in the lower Karoo e. Several exposures representing sections through the Karoo Supergroup were visited in the Foley, Tlalamabele and Rysana Pan areas. The best-exposed section is that at Mosu in the Tlalamabele Sheet where an escarpment feature is developed.

This section reveals an association of sandstone, siltstone mudstone, and minor calcareous argillites and limestone. The latter succession was previously assigned to the Kautse Beds and Mosu Sandstone Stansfield, a but Smith later correlated them with the Thabala Formation.

Thickness estimates are difficult to consider due to the isolated nature of exposure, particularly away from the escarpment. However a river section 29 Benson N. The Tlapana Formation is the most poorly exposed and is only established from Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special pits and wells and sometimes as strongly weathered natural exposures. Rugged boulders of white sandstone that appear to be strongly weathered and develop some cavities or pipe structures cover the top of the escarpment.

Few traces of planar parallel lamination are displayed. Contact between the Ntane Sandstone and the underlying Thabala Formation is not exposed due to widespread scree cover. Traverse 6, also described below, identified some exposures of the Ntane Sandstone at the top of the Mosu Escarpment. The exposure visited consists of white fine-grained sandstone showing a strongly pitted surface due to weathering.

Set thickness is in the order of 70cm. The Ntane Sandstone lies unconformably on facies belonging to the escarpment sequence of the Thabala Formation. The Ntane Sandtone here consists of strongly silcretised and Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special facies. The dominantly sandgrade facies commonly show planar parallel lamination of probable upper flow regime plane bed conditions.

The occurrence of a reactivation surface reflects fluctuating depositional flow powers. The overall palaeo-environment is considered to have consisted of an interaction of aeolian and subaqueous depositional systems. A single reading obtained from crossbedding at outcrop show a north-northeast palaeocurrent trend i.

The traverse was conducted in and around Mosu village and along the southern margins of the pan. The first exposures observed are located to the immediate northeast and east of the Primary School towards Sua Pan and show a sequence of quartz-arenite, calcareous sandstone, mudstones, and minor limestone.

This sequence was earlier described by Stansfield as the Kautse Beds but is here described as part of the Thabala Formation following the lithostratigraphic nomenclature of Smith The sandstone facies BM in this sequence is the better exposed and consists of fine- to medium- and coarse-grained varieties with pebbly and granulerich layers.

Minor conglomeratic layers occur. In general there seems to be an increase in the amount of sandstone facies up-sequence in contrast to the fine-grained facies. Thin section analysis of specimen BM reveal calcareous sandstone or subarkose with cement supported texture. The cement consists of widely developed poikilitic calcite grains. Both Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special and feldspar detrital grains show replacement by calcite.

Feldspar grains commonly show a fine hematite coating. At outcrop the sedimentary structures shown consist of planar crossbedding, trough crossbedding, and some reactivation and erosional surfaces. Crossbedding show set thickness in the order of 30cm. Erosional surfaces are often identified through the observation of sharp breaks in fine-grained well-stratified units overlain by either structureless or granule-rich layers.

There is minor development of rib-and-furrow structures indicating trough-sets. Traverse 5 investigated exposures to the north, northwest and south of Mosu village. The traverse identified a sequence comprised of coarse- to medium-grained sandstone at the base succeeded by an argillaceous facies of silty limestone, mudstones and sandstones.

The basal sandstone unit is characterised by pebbles, pebbly and granule-rich layers, graded bedding and lamination. There is rare festoon bedding structures indicating the occurrence of troughsets. The area underlain by limestone is poorly exposed and seems to be mostly associated with pinkish weathered mudstone facies. This area stretches for approximately m before being succeeded by a red sandstone facies BM on approaching the Mosu Escarpment to the south.

Generally there is a gradual increase in sandstone amount from the limestone-mudstone facies below to a sand-dominated facies up the escarpment. Specimen BM comprises a very fine-grained calcareous sub-arkose exhibiting both grain- and cement-supported texture.

Calcite dominates the cementing medium, which also includes hematite and fine clays in intergranular spaces. At outcrop, the sandstone facies exposed along the escarpment slopes show planar and trough crossbedding with foresets dipping west. Ripple forms are locally developed and Theme From Airwolf (Dance & Disco Version) - Various - Airwolf - The Wonderweapon show an N-S trending axis.

Several erosional surfaces are also developed between foresets. The escarpment sequence has been previously described as a separate stratigraphic unit, from the Kautse Bes, termed the Mosu Sandstone Stansfield, However, the present 31 Benson N.

Instead, this investigation recognises a Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special succession of sandstone facies alternating with argillaceous facies comprised of limestone, mudstone, and siltstone all belonging to the Thabala Formation of Smith Several sandstone beds of the Thabala Formation were observed and show a general variation from a clean Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special quartz-arenite facies at the base into red sandstone facies at the top.

This change appears to parallel a general fining-upward trend shown by the sandstone facies. The grey quartz-arenite facies consist of very coarse- to granule-rich and pebbly sandstone. Graded bedding is commonly developed. In contrast, the red sandstone facies is fine- to medium-grained and appears well-sorted.

Xhosa is spoken as a first language by approximately 8. The appellation ' Nguni' is an older "variant" term. It is consistent with the use of the alphabet 'u' in all the Nguni languages spoken by Heartbreaker (7 Mix) - Future (14) - Heartbreaker Nguni people of South Africa. The Thembu people according to tradition, migrated from central Africa along the east coast via KwaZulu-Natal where they settled.

Mbulali, whose grandson, Thembu, led his people from the present KwaZulu-Natal area to Dedesi into the present Transkei. Besides these clans, there were also groups other than Thembu who, in the course of time, had settled on Thembu territory. We Dave Edmunds - Slipping Away thus see that Ngubengcuka's subjects were not of homogeneous descent, but they developed as a single, loosely-structured political entity which comprised various kinship groups clans.

The Roll Em - Benny Goodman - The Indispensable Benny Goodman Volume 3/4 (1936 - 1937) Thembu therefore, denoted those people who owed allegiance to the Thembu royal family, the Hala, Mvelase and its head, the king.

The most internationally famous Thembu person was Nelson Mandela, whose father was a reigning nobleman from a junior branch of the Madiba clan of kings. Walter Sisulu was also of Thembu descent from his mother's side. The river has a wide mouth and flows into the Indian Ocean just south of Port Edward.

The name means "the reaper of mouthfuls" because of the damage the river does to crops during floods. Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special name in Xhosa is kwaBhacaor "place of the Bhaca people", who settled here while fleeing the advance of Shaka Zulu.

Xesibeland was the traditional region of the Xesibe people AmaXesibeclosely related Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special the Mpondo people and the Mpondomise. Their traditional homeland has been in the contemporary era Eastern Cape province of South Africa, more specifically what used to be the Transkei region. The amaMpondo are currently calling for their language to be recognized as the 12th official language of South Africa. Soshangane kaZikodeborn Soshangane Nxumalowas the founder and self-crowned king of the Gaza Empire, which at the height of its power stretched from the Limpopo river in southern Mozambique up to the Zambezi river in the north.

Soshangane ruled over the Gaza state from until his death in Soshangane was also known by the name of Manukosi. Black people from South Africa were at times officially called Bantu by the apartheid regime. The term Bantu is derived from the word for "people" common to many of the Bantu languages.



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7 thoughts on “ Tshaba Tshaba - Various - Transkei Special

  1. distances. Most of the exposed lithologies are biased towards arenaceous and rudaceous facies, which reflects weathering competence-related preservation. Palaeocurrent trends obtained across the Kalahari Karoo Basin indicate various sediment source and dispersal trends that possibly confirm the existence of several sub-basins.
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